While Rwanda has gone further than any other post-conflict state in prosecuting lower-level perpetrators for mass atrocity, transitional justice mechanisms were deliberately kept separate from the DDR program. On one hand, DDR largely succeeded despite a firm policy against amnesty. On the other hand, ex-combatants have benefited from quite generous DDR packages; yet, there are no funds available for reparations to their victims.
In Sierra Leone, the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) process and transitional justice initiatives occurred in temporal proximity. Disarmament and demobilization were largely successful in Sierra Leone. Some research suggests, however, that accountability measures had a negative impact on the reintegration of certain ex-combatants.
In Sierra Leone, the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) process and transitional justice initiatives occurred in temporal proximity. Disarmament and demobilization were largely successful in Sierra Leone. Some research suggests, however, that accountability measures had a negative impact on the reintegration of certain ex-combatants.
Essential among South Africa's transition programs was a process to disarm, demobilize, and reintegrate ex-combatants and to create a new defense force integrating the armed forces of opposing parties into a united military structure. Yet, DDR remained largely independent from other transitional initiatives, including transitional justice measures, such as the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC).
Essential among South Africa's transition programs was a process to disarm, demobilize, and reintegrate ex-combatants and to create a new defense force integrating the armed forces of opposing parties into a united military structure. Yet, DDR remained largely independent from other transitional initiatives, including transitional justice measures, such as the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC).
This paper’s principal aim is to provide a cogent analytical framework on the range of possible or ideal relationships between DDR programs and amnesties. It assesses whether and how amnesties can serve to maximize the effectiveness of a DDR program, while doing the least harm possible to the transitional justice values of truth, justice, reparation, and reform, which arguably contribute to the effective reintegration of ex-combatants and hence to the durability of peace in the long term.
Disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) programs and prosecutions of international crimes have become prominent features in the landscape of postconflict states. Some tension between them is inherent. Nonetheless, there is compatibility in the larger, long-term goals of DDR and prosecutions: both aim at reestablishing trust among ex-combatants, victims, the broader community, and state authorities.
Generally, disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) programs and truth commissions have operated independently of one another. This has resulted in missed opportunities for strengthening DDR and truth commissions. DDR’s reintegration aims may be furthered by increased truth-telling, and from the perspective of truth commissions, ex-combatants are often key witnesses. Aggregated data from DDR programs can also aid in documenting the larger causes and patterns of violence.
The general aim of this paper is to construct an argument about the advisability of drawing links between disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) and reparations programs, but not just because this is better from the standpoint of justice. It can be argued that the security-related aims of DDR are also facilitated by establishing links between these programs and justice measures.
This chapter examines the largely overlooked relationship between female ex-combatants, DDR, and transitional justice, with a particular focus on truth commissions. The potential of truth commissions to recognize women’s multiple and contradictory roles during armed conflict and to publicly acknowledge their agency and experience can contribute to a reconsideration of postconflict gender relations.