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As the world marks August 30, the International Day of the Disappeared, we are reminded that forced disappearances and transitional justice share a common history. Indeed, processes working in concert that came to form the field of transitional justice were born from the search for truth and justice about the disappeared.

On June 25, President of the Philippines Rodrigo Duterte publicly proposed arming civilian supporters in his war on drugs. His statement comes barely a week after the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) outgoing prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, announced her request to open an investigation into crimes against humanity related the Philippines’ war on drugs. This step has been long-awaited by victims of the drug war. Nonetheless, the ICC case should be part of a larger, more strategic fight for justice in which the needs, safety, and future of the predominantly poor families victimized by the drug war are central and just as important as naming, shaming, and prosecuting the perpetrators and abettors of these crimes.

On August 18, nearly two decades after Lebanon’s former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri was brutally assassinated in a car bombing, the Special Tribunal for Lebanon delivered a long-awaited conviction. The judgment found Salim Ayyash guilty of conspiracy to commit a terrorist act, committing a terrorist act, the intentional homicide of Hariri and 21 others, and attempted homicide of the 226 injured. However, the tribunal did not find enough evidence that the three other defendants were aware in advance of the conspiracy and thus acquitted them of all charges. This split verdict makes an uncertain situation in Lebanon even more tenuous.

In a new briefing paper, ICTJ's Paul Seils and Roger Duthie examine what steps the international community can take during a crisis to support democracy and accountability.

A new ICTJ paper released today challenges the notion that criminal prosecution is the sole use for documentation of violations in Syria. Titled "Justice for Syrian Victims Beyond Trials", it urges the international community, human rights groups and Syrian civil society organizations to use the tools at their disposal to pursue overlooked avenues towards justice. These include the search for the truth, public acknowledgement of violations, and laying the foundation for future truth-seeking and truth-telling processes or reparations process.

Today, we are facing a global public health crisis of unprecedented proportions. Only time will tell the devastating toll that COVID-19 will exact on human life. The breakneck speed at which the virus is spreading does not give us reason for optimism in the near future. We at ICTJ fully grasp the gravity of the situation, and we take our responsibility for the health and safety of our staff, partners, and communities where we work seriously.

In this op-ed, ICTJ's Refik Hodzic says that five years of a trial, thousands of documents and evidence exhibits, hundreds of witnesses, and hours testimony have not moved Radovan Karadzic closer to acknowledgement of the suffering he inflicted on countless lives.

Civil Society Groups Protest Attempts to Derail Justice for Victims of Post-Election Violence (Johannesburg, January 25, 2011)—The Kenyan government should reaffirm its commitment to the International Criminal Court (ICC), African civil society organizations and international organizations with a...

The decision of the International Criminal Court (ICC) confirming charges of crimes against humanity against William Ruto, Joshua Sang, Francis Muthaura, and Uhuru Kenyatta, and declining to confirm charges against Henry Kosgey and Mohammed Ali is a reminder that the vast majority of victims have still not seen justice done, the International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ) said.

A new paper from the International Center for Transitional Justice on police vetting in Kenya charges that the Kenyan government has failed to undertake needed reforms to root out corruption and abuses from the National Police Service and restore public trust in the police. Four years into the vetting process, the National Police Service Commission, tasked with vetting over 77,000 officers, has faced allegations of corruption and been criticized for failing to vet senior police officers implicated in graft and other crimes.